By Steve Brawner, © 2019 by Steve Brawner Communications, Inc.

In presidential politics, what usually happens is not what’s destined to happen, and sometimes things can get really crazy.

So for fun, let’s consider the possibility that none of the Democratic candidates amass enough delegates in the primaries to win the nomination.

Let’s start by stipulating that pundits like me often predict this happening whenever there’s a large field, and then a nominee emerges long before the last state votes.

But this time might be different because the party’s rules have changed, because the process has been front-loaded with early big state primaries, because Democrats have several candidates who might stay in the race for a while, and because a big wild card has been tossed onto the table.

First, the rules have changed. In 2016, the superdelegates – officeholders and party bigwigs – supported Hillary Clinton and almost guaranteed she would get the nomination. That won’t happen this time. Democrats took away their vote during the primary process, so there’s not a huge bloc of voters to coalesce behind one candidate.

Second, let’s look at the calendar. Iowa holds its caucus Feb. 3. Four candidates are still numerically competitive there: Mayor Pete Buttigieg, Sen. Bernie Sanders, former Vice President Joe Biden, and Sen. Elizabeth Warren. You also can’t count out Sen. Amy Klobuchar yet. Buttigieg is leading, according to RealClearPolitics’ poll averages, but the caucus format, which requires a public declaration of support, favors candidates whose supporters are most fervent. Like Sanders’.

Next is the New Hampshire primary on Feb. 11. Sanders is leading with 19%.

Let’s say he wins both states. In past election years, the media would crown him the frontrunner and would be writing Biden’s obituary.

But Sanders wouldn’t have much of a lead because the Democrats’ presidential nominating process isn’t a winner-take-all system. These would be close races where several candidates would win delegates. And then come Nevada on Feb. 22 and South Carolina on Feb. 29, both states where Biden is stronger.

Then on March 3, 14 states hold their primaries, including Arkansas. Those include the big prizes: California, where it’s neck, neck and neck between Biden, Sanders and Warren; and Texas, where Biden is leading. Also voting that day is Massachusetts, which is Warren’s home state; Vermont, which is Sanders’; and Minnesota, which is Klobuchar’s. She must win there.

It’s likely that on the night of March 3, most of the candidates will have a rationale to stay in the race. They’ll all have delegates. They all will have a base of support. And that night, they might all give a televised speech in front of a cheering, flag-waving crowd in a state they just won.

Meanwhile, March 3 is also when that aforementioned wild card starts coming into play: billionaire and former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who started late but has unlimited money to spend. He’s painted himself as the alternative to a weak field that can’t beat President Trump. At some point, Democratic voters will consider that argument.

Another 11 states have their primaries through the rest of March. By the end of the month, about two-thirds of the delegates will have been awarded – and split between all these candidates. Moreover, all except Buttigieg are in their 70s and know this is probably their last best chance to be elected president. Other candidates might be hanging around and might win delegates as well. Hawaii Rep. Tulsi Gabbard particularly likes to stir things up.

It takes 1,885 delegates to win the nomination during the primaries. If the probable nominee hasn’t emerged after two-thirds have been awarded, there’s a good chance none will.

The Democratic National Convention in Milwaukee could start July 13 without a nominee. After the first ballot, all the delegates would become unpledged and could vote for whomever they want. Meanwhile, the superdelegates would then vote.

Such a convention would be a free-for-all. Candidates would make backroom deals. New names – and old ones, including Clinton – could emerge. For the first time in decades, a national convention would be interesting.

Again, the odds are against this happening. But unexpected things happen in politics. In 1999, would you have predicted that in the next five elections, twice the candidate who lost the popular vote would win, that the U.S. in 2008 would elect its first African American president, and that in 2016 it would elect Donald Trump?